Magazine: LIBERATION
  3 March 1973
 
OUR STRUGGLE AND ITS GOALS
We have for a long time been making an effort to publicize our revolutionary stand and our
views on the political conditions of our country. We do realize, however, that our statements
have not been reaching all appropriate audiences due to the shortage of funds and other means
necessary for the task.
We are thus taking advantage of the favorable conditions and the convenient time at our
disposal to present this historical exposition entitled "Our Struggle And Its Goals." Whereas
what we have to say is most directly concerned with our country, Eritrea, and our Eritrean
people, it is of utmost importance to our supporters in particular and the people of the world
in general. We would like to firmly remind all concerned not to take this position paper
lightly, since it goes beyond an exposition of our revolutionary struggle; we assure the
genuinely interested that our country Eritrea, its people and their struggle can be explained
clearly and adequately.
We, who are expressing our views through this exposition, are Eritrean liberation fighters
who separated from the administration of the -"Kiada el Ama", "General Command", in
March 1969. It is true that almost all of us or a majority of us are Christians by birth, cultural
and historical background.
Those who view our makeup superficially may regard our struggle as religiously motivated,
an assessment that we do not desire to overlook even if it may be the result of a lack of insight
into our objectives. Instead, we urge anyone who seeks to understand our position and
ideology to road all our publications. Further, we hereby state our readiness to meet with and
openly clarify our stand to those who might entertain doubts as to what the nature of our
struggle is.
Although we deeply understand the complexity of the reasons which caused us to take our
stand, that is, to separate, we are fully cognizant of the fact that some of those who look at us
with interest or concern ask themselves questions such ass "Why did the Christian elements
separate? How did they separate? When did they separate? What is their goal? What do
they seek? Are they religiously or nationally motivated? Are they revolutionary fighters or
Christian crusaders? Are they reactionary or progressive? Etc...". We also know that they
may not find satisfactory answers within themselves. On the contrary, they may get distorted
information and blame or even oppose us.
Thus, it is not only questions that are asked about us, opinions are also voiced. Many have
pretended to be on our side and have been known to applaud our supposed "separation from
Moslems". Others may similarly applaud our separation on the ground that it "has been long
overdue". Others still merely declare that we are "religiously" inclined, and so on. All such
opinions are illusory. It seems that there are more opinions addressed to us for the purposes
of deception, praise, threat, defamation, criticism, bribery and the giving of different goals to
our struggle than we can constructively use.
We fully recognize the fact that it is our duty and ours alone to give a satisfactory answer to
those who seek to know, to discourage those who seek to deceive us, to thank those who
praise us, to assure those that are bent on bribing us that we do not compromise our aims to
accept comradely constructive criticism and to remind those who attempt to buy us that we
are neither commodities nor animals. The nature of our struggle and its objectives is better
known to us than anyone else, especially the news-shoppers and gossip-mongers. Based on
this awareness and hoping that our position will be clearly stated, we have embarked upon
this exposition.
A Brief Description of Our Country Eritrea and Its People
It is a matter of common knowledge that we Eritreans are the nationals of a country with
distinct boundary economy, political evolution, history, culture and traditions. It is equally
well known that, for the pest several decades we have been subjugated by foreign conquerors
and pro-imperialist African expansionists.
These very oppressors have erased our boundary lines, confiscated our economic wealth,
arrested the high level of political awareness our society had reached, distorted our history,
obscured our languages, replaced our culture and traditions by alien ones and totally robbed
us of our human rights and dignity.
Our present struggle against Ethiopian oppressors is nothing more than an extension of our
militant Eritrean struggle against foreign oppression. We are sacrificing our lives to free our
people from the shackles of Haileselassie and his masters, to attain independence for our
country and to realize the self-reliant progress of the Eritrean people.
Oppression does not come from foreigners alone. Neither should it be associated with
foreigners alone. There is also oppression and struggle within a society. The rich over the
poor, the master over the slave, the powerful over the weak, the chief over the village, the old
over the new ...:'etc., are types of political and economic oppression found within class
societies.
But in time, oppression is invariably met with resistance. The impoverished and the workers
rise against the rich, as do the slaves against the masters. The village militates against the
chief, the weak unite against the powerful and the new erupts over the old. This is a historical
truth. It is evident that when contradictions in society reach a breaking point, the forces of the
oppressed rise up to destroy the various forms of oppression. Thus, so long as freedom is not
equally and universally extended to all members of society, i.e., so long as there is oppression,
there is struggle.
The above holds true for Eritrea. Inasmuch as we constitute a society, we have various
contradictory characteristics. This in so in spite of the fact that Eritreans as a whole share a
common history, economy, political tradition, culture, and similar or related languages or
folklore. One may erroneously see the religious differences as the major contradiction in
Eritrean society.
For example, our separation may be understood as having been based on religious
differences. Similarly, one may be tempted to look at Eritrean society primarily in terms of
division between Moslems and Christians. In any event, let us first carefully investigate and
analyze the nature at the Eritrean society and its people.
A. Geographical Location
Eritrea is bordered by Ethiopia, the Sudan and the Red Sea. Geographically, it is generally
divided into highland and lowland areas. Whereas the lowlands consist of the plains along the
Red Sea coast and those along the Sudanese border on the west, the highlands consist of the
plateaus bordering Ethiopia. Religious affiliation in Eritrea roughly corresponds with the
geographic characteristics of the country.
Thus, Eritreans who inhabit the lowlands (Metahit) are mostly or almost wholly of the
Moslem faith. Following the demarcation drawn by the Italian colonialists, Eritrea is divided
into sight provinces. The highlands consist of Hamasien, Serae and Akele-Guzai.
The lowlands along the coastal plains are called Semhar, Sahel and Denkel, whereas those in
the western plains are known as Senhit and Barka. The lowlands constitute about threefourths
of the land surface of Eritrea, with the highlands making up the remaining one-fourth.
It la well known that because of the strategic importance of its geographic location, Eritrea
has been the focus of the greedy eyes of foreign colonialists.
B. Economic Conditions
Although Eritrea is rich in natural resources and has enough agricultural, mineral and animal
resources to make it economically self-sufficient, its people are still in the early stages of
development. They live as farmers and nomads. Since our country’s wealth is stolen by
foreigners and exported abroad, the Eritrean people are forced to live in poverty, deprived of
their country's economic wealth.
Those who live in the highlands lead a relatively better life due to their settled farming
occupation, whereas those from the coastal plains and the lowland areas live the roaming life
of nomads. The basis of all social oppression is economic.
Thus, foreign oppressors motivated by the greedy desire to rob Eritrea of its wealth, have
used and are using our people's religious, ethnic and regional diversity in order to divide and
continue to exploit It. This is a historical fact.
C. Population
The people of Eritrea are about three million. Their distribution, however, does not
correspond to the country's geographical divisions. Though the highlands constitute a smaller
part of Eritrea's land surface, they contain more than halt of the Eritrean population. The
lowlands in the western areas are predominantly arid and, therefore, are sparsely populated.
Although no recent census has been taken, a 1957 census gives the following provincial
population distribution:
1) Hamasien 24.7%
2) Serae 15.7%
3) Akele Guzai 15.3%
4) Barka 17.5%
5) Senhit 8.3%
6) Sahel 7.9%
7) Denkel 5.4%
8) Semhar 5.2%
 
D. Political Development
A close look at our country's political development shows that foreign colonialists and their
puppets have used religion as the weapon through which they achieved their goal of easy
access to economic gain. From 1940 onwards and in response to foreign oppression, the
centuries-old struggle of the people of Eritrea started to divide into two political groupings.
Most Christians demanded "Union" with Ethiopia, while most Moslems wanted "Union" with
the Sudan. It fell on the United Nations to make the final decision that has thrown the people
of Eritrea into an ocean of suffering. Another fact of the history of our political development.
E. Languages
Although more than nine languages are spoken in Eritrea, the main languages are Tigrigna
and Tigre. These are Semitic in origin and are the offerings of the Geez language. Other
languages which do not descend from Geez are Bilen, Beja. Baza, Saho and Denkel. In
general, highland Eritreans speak Tigrigna and those of the lowlands speak Tigré, but they are
more specifically distributed on linguistic lines as follows:
Tigrigna: - Mostly spoken by the inhabitants of the highlands (Kebessa) of Eritrea, the
majority of whom adhere to the Christian faith. But it is also spoken by some Eritreans of
Moslem faith, such as the Jeberti. Tigrigna is not spoken only in Eritrea. It is also the
language of the people of Ethiopia's northernmost province known as Tigrai.
Tigre: - Spoken by Eritreans inhabiting the north-eastern plains and the western lowlands,
the majority of whom have adopted the Moslem faith. But it is also the language of Christian
Eritreans, such as the Mensa of eastern Senhit. Tigre is also spoken by many Sudanese in
Eastern Sudan.
Sahos - The language of Eritreans living in eastern Akele Guzai and northern Semhar, most of
whom profess the Moslem faith. But a few Christian Eritreans also speak Saho. Like the
other languages, Saho is also spoken by some ethnic groups in the northern border areas of
Ethiopia.
Afar: - Spoken by the people of eastern Eritrea, the province of Denkel. They practice Islam
and share their language with those ethnic groups in Ethiopia and French Somaliland that
border them.
Bilen: Spoken by Eritreans of the Bogos tribes in the province of Senhit. They are
approximately equally divided between Moslems and Christians. This language originates
from Agau and similar languages are spoken in Ethiopia by Agau peoples.
Bejas: - Spoken by Eritreans in northern Sahel and the western lowlands. These are
known as the Beja, are few in number and adhere to the Moslem faith. Beja is spoken by a
large number or people in eastern Sudan.
Baza: - Spoken by the Bazen of the western lowlands, between the Gash and the Setit.
Although a few Bazen practice the Moslem and Christian faiths, most of them do not belong
to any religious denomination.
Barya: - Spoken by the Barya of the western lowlands, east of the Gash. Like the Bazen, a
few Barya practice the Moslem and Christian faiths but are mostly without any religious
affiliation.
Apart from the above linguistic divisions, there is a very small number of communities
called the 'Rasheida' around the peripheries of Sahel, who speak Arabic and who have not
mixed with any other ethnic communities.
Despite the numerousness of the languages and the ethnic origins the Eritrean people are
one people and, wherever they might be, they can use one or more languages to communicate
with understand each other.
Of the languages that we have listed, only Tigrigna and Tigre are written. Since these
are the offsprings of the Geez language, they are written in the Geez script. Geez was the
language in use centuries ago. After giving birth to Tigrigna and Tigre, today Geez finds
itself only in Churches and holy books - it has become archaic.
That is, Geez is used solely by the clergy and the Church and no one speaks or in any way
uses it in daily parlance. However, it is of great importance both for religious and historical
reasons.
When the United Nations was attempting to solve the linguistic problem in Eritrea, it
resorted to religious differences. Thus, in order to bind the Christians together through
Tigrigna and the Moslems through Arabic, they resolved to make Tigrigna and Arabic the
official languages of Eritrea.
F Culture and traditions
In the area of culture and traditions, the Eritrean people may differ in accordance with
their ethnic, provincial and linguistic origins. However, this apparent difference is obscured
by our people's commonly shared economic conditions, political awareness, history,
geographic location and religious affiliation. As a result highland Eritreans share, more or
less, the same culture and traditions.
Similarly, although lowland Eritreans may have radically different cultures and traditions,
they are closely linked through a common religion.
Like other peoples, therefore, Eritreans are, as we have seen, made up of different groups.
Nevertheless, through ages of a common colonial experience, the Eritrean people's already
related history, economy, political development, languages, culture and tradition have been so
interfused, interbred and intertwined that today they stand on the same foundation. Therefore,
Eritreans are a people that can neither be separated or divided.
It is true that the people of the Eritrean highlands may be religiously related to the Christians
of Ethiopia. Similarly, they may be linguistically (through Tigrigna) and by virtue of same
common cultural and traditional characteristics be related to the people of neighboring Tigrai.
Moreover, the history of Eritrea, it is said, might have had some direct ties with that of the
ancient kingdom of Aksum.
In the same way, Eritreans inhabiting the areas bordering on the Sudan may be religiously,
linguistically and by virtue of some common cultural and traditional characteristics be related
with some of the peoples of eastern Sudan.
Lastly, Eritreans who inhabit the coastal areas may, by virtue of their proximity to the sea, be
susceptible to and influenced by the culture and traditions that come to them across the sea
from the Arab world.
However, the internal relationships and unity within the country have a much broader and a
stronger base. The surface similarities with neighboring peoples along the borders can never
be a rationale for the slicing up of a nation. It in for this reason that Eritrea must remain a
single nation.
It is not a country that will acquiesce to its division between Ethiopia and the Sudan.
Besides, if the Eritrean people along the Sudanese border are viewed within the context of the
people of Sudan as a whole, we find they are hardly related. In the same way, Eritreans along
the Ethiopian border are very different if related to the people of Ethiopia as a whole.
What is more, just as there are geographic, economic, religious, linguistic and folklore
differences in our country Eritrea, there are equal or even more pronounced differences
amongst the peoples of Ethiopia and the Sudan.
If we remember ancient history, we find it almost unrelated to what we have in this
modern age. If we were to re-establish nations and determine borders based on ancient
history, we would have to create a new world consisting of new nations.
In the case of Africa, we do not even need to go back to ancient history. For, if we were to
attempt to create new nations based on the conditions that existed a few centuries ago, we
would form a continent consisting of thousands of parts and division.
In short, the differences amongst the Eritrean people are a phenomenon found in many other
countries and, as such, our recognition of them is neither a source of shame nor a hindrance to
a united Eritrea.
What we are trying to clearly state is that religion by itself cannot be a basis for any struggle
for national liberation. It is rather a tool of oppression and personal gain. Can we contend,
for example, that all the religious and social differences we have already listed are merely
religious?
The truth is that religion in one of over ten characteristics peculiar to the Eritrean make-up. As
such, to say that it is the basis of all the differences, oppression and struggle within the
Eritrean society is nothing more than injustice.
As we have seen, the Eritrean society could, very broadly speaking and if the various
differences are overlooked, be divided into two major groups. Since each of these major
groups has its own religion, (Islam or Christianity), it could conceivably appear as if the social
differences in Eritrea are religious. Such an assessment appears more pointed whenever
foreign oppressors and opportunistic Eritreans exaggerate it in order to promote their own
selfish interests.
The main objective of the above exposition is to clearly state that it is wrong to divide the
Eritrean people on the basis of religion and to stress the fact that Eritreans are a united people.
Anyone who denies the truth of what we have said, be he an Eritrean or an outsider, either
does not know what he is talking about, or is an opportunist or expansionist.
Let us now return to our main topic. If the situation is as we have described it, why have we
decided to separate? The reason and basis for our separation goes back to the formation of
"Jebha", the movement for the liberation of Eritrea.
This goes back to 1961 and involves many events. We will, therefore, try to relate it as
briefly as possible.
The progressive forces in the world know that a revolution that is based on a struggle without
a clearly defined political line cannot be crowned with victory. As has been made clear by the
Eritrean experience, the mere fact of roaming around with arms and sporadic shootings, if
unaccompanied by a clear political direction, is vain and futile.
That the armed struggle which started in1961 had no political direction and did not take into
account the objective conditions in the country has been commented upon by many Eritreans.
The Eritreans who founded "Jebha' proclaimed the advent of the armed struggle without
making sufficient study and analysis of the concrete conditions of our country and society.
They simply proclaimed the "revolution" without a revolutionary line or organisation, and
with no delineated program of action, nor did they have a defined political objective or
direction.
Propagation of Islam: the point cannot be missed that the reason for the absence of clearly
delineated political direction (guidelines) was the lack of sincere revolutionary leadership.
Those who started the movement felt ashamed to give the cause its true nationalist essence;
they believed that the most effective way of attaining the necessary power was by propagating
Islam. They, thus, tied the movement within the bounds of Islam and programmed their
actions accordingly both within and outside of Eritrea.
The bosses of "Jebha" assumed the responsibility to deal with foreign governments;
supposedly in execution or this responsibility, they established links with those countries and
organisations professing the faith of Islam.
They tried to solicit the help of these countries and organisations against Haileselassie, "that
king of the Habasha who is oppressing the eighty per-cent Moslem population of Eritrea";
they presented their case as that which seeks to resist the expansion of Christianity by
Haileselassie, and to that end they asked for the sympathy and help of their "Moslem
brothers".
Having wholeheartedly embraced whatever help was extended them, the bosses gave the
movement a totally Islamic base.
Likewise, their armed followers in the field told the innocent people of the Metahit that they
were engaged in a war of "Jihad"(holy war) against the "kafir" king Haileselassie, who is the
grandson of Yohannes, that king of the Habasha who had ventured to wipe out Islam and
expand Christianity.
In the course of fighting the holy war (Jihad Fi Sebl Allah), they conducted vicious anti-
Christian propaganda, which was not in line with the interest of the national liberation
struggle. The extent of the propaganda was such that the Christian Eritrean was ostracized as
a "kafir" (traitor) and attacked as an enemy.
Lacking the capacity to correctly understand that the roots of its oppression were essentially
of economic and political nature and not merely religious, the Moslem population of the
country vehemently responded in favour of the "Jihad" operation designed by the leaders of
"Jebha".
However, those Eritreans who were not aware of the "Jihad" politics of the front assessed the
situation to be similar to that which was prevalent during the period preceding the federation;
and conscious as they were of the maneuvers of foreign oppressors, their true nationalist
sentiment drove them towards Idris Awate who led the armed struggle in 1961.
The basis for the widespread Eritrean nationalist ferment and the resolute determination
to engage in armed struggle lay in the politics of crude oppression that characterized the
period 1950-61.
This period was particularly rich with political events of national resistance. It must be
stressed, however, that this national resistance was devoid of religious antagonism; it was a
common struggle of Moslems and Christians, highlanders and lowlanders. This experience
unified the people and raised the level of their political awareness.
Aroused by these developments, the Eritrean people resolved to join e struggle. Even though
all Eritreans materially and morally supported the armed resistance headed by Idris Awate,
almost all of those who joined him in the fields of Barka were Moslems. At that stage, the
highland population did not participate in field operations the reason is solely that geographic
conditions did not facilitate such a participation.
The allegation that highlanders avoided the struggle with the knowledge and for the reason
that it was initiated by Moslems la groundless. The movement flourished and continued
operating till 1965; nevertheless, there was no halt to the propagation of Islam.
Tribal Dissensions: If we were to ask ourselves whether the fighters who were mostly
Moslem, were really united by the propagation of religion, we might be bewildered at the
answer.
We should always remember that in any society or grouping of people there are conflicts
between the interests of the few and those of the majority. In the Eritrean struggle which then
was not based on a correct political line the few opportunists increased their ranks in number
and embarked upon a struggle for personal power. They cultivated differences and discord
and aggravated them increasingly.
They became increasingly preoccupied with the devising of schemes aimed at gratifying their
lust for power; and they decided that they sound an effective tool in the ethnic differences
among the fighters in the field. Thus in an effort to capitalize on them, they magnified these
minor contradictions and then used them to manipulate the liberation forces. This corrupt
pursuit of personal aggrandizement eventually led to dissensions within the front.
The bosses who enjoyed a luxurious life outside of Eritrea had the capacity to conceal
their true selfish interests. Nevertheless, they felt the need to make empty gestures to solve the
problem.
For that purpose they temporarily left their seats in the foreign countries and went to the fields
where, around the end of 1965, they divided the forces into four groups. Their main purpose
behind this measure was to quell down their agents in the field who instigated the ethnic
dissensions, and to further expand their followings and consolidate their forces.
The professed reason for dividing the forces was that it would facilitate the setting up of more
zones of operation and would enable more Eritreans to come into contact with the ideals of
the movement and join it. But this kind of operational framework could be soundly divised
only after a thorough study of the concrete conditions of Eritrean society, the accurate
identification of the opportune timing and the careful consideration of all political and
military strategies.
This was the kind of undertaking which required serious and thorough study and planning; it
was thus meaningless to assign a division for Barka a division for Senhit, another division for
Hamasien, Serae and Akeleguzai, and another for Semhar and Denkel. Such a division of an
already small force, without making the requisite study, serves no nationalist or revolutionary
purpose. It is thus clear that this measure was intended to promote the selfish interests of
those few individuals.
Wrong Measures of Correction: Even though there was a continuous flow of highlanders into
the armed struggle, their number did not still equal that of the Moslems. Highlanders joined
the various divisions of the front in the course of fulfilling their role as Eritreans; however,
they came to sense the tint of ethnicism and regionalism in the set-up of "Jebha".
With the idea that an ethnic group can most effectively be dealt with by those who are its
members, it was decided that the various divisions should be headed by individuals who are
natives of their respective regions of assignment.
But the division for the Christian highlands of Hamasien, Serae, and Akele Guzai was led by
a Moslem from the Saho. The Christian highlanders thought that this was not in accordance
with the adopted policy: this awareness led to their discontent and complaints.
The bosses of "Jebha", true to their tendency to put their selfish interests in the forefront,
decided that the discontent that prevailed among the highlanders in the field would be quelled
by setting up a division of Christian fighters under the leadership of a Christian. Thus in 1966
they organized the Fifth Division by extracting forces from the four divisions, chopping the
Third Division in Hamasien province, and installing a Christian lackey as its head. By
compounding their mistakes, they only aggravated the problem they had caused a year earlier.
Religious Convulsions: The setting up of the Fifth Division was a further
extension of the policy based on ethnic differences; it certainly could not be a solution to the
problem. As stated above, the measures taken by the bosses were not guided by true
revolutionary principles; they were military strategies opposed to the people's interest and
based on religious, ethnic, regional and reactionary considerations.
Under their respective leaders, the five divisions of "Jebha" continued their operations in
accordance with the outlined strategy. The leaders of the divisions, who had neither the
correct understanding of, nor the inclination to promote the national interest, competed
against each other, exploited the efforts and looted the property of those whom they professed
to liberate; within the country, they established five groups and delineated five areas of
plunder.
They ventured to acquire all the requisite wealth and power and to commit acts of atrocity for
the purpose of realizing their respective dictatorial aspirations.
These leaders, who were eager to see their selfish interests fulfilled within a short period
of time, did not curb their religious fanaticism. They stirred up some long dead grudges
among some of the ethnic groups and started preaching that the Christians were their enemies,
that the highlanders were their enemies, and that the Christians wanted unity with Ethiopia.
Thus, they revealed their true sentiments and caused the eruption of religious convulsions
within the front. Furthermore, they ordered their forces to plunder the Christian highlands of
the country.
As a result it is estimated that about ten thousand heads of cattle were periodically looted
from the lowlands of Serae and the eastern ridges of Hamasien by the First and Third division
forces that were stationed there. The cattle were driven to the reserves of Kessela in the
Sudan.
Further looting and the burning of settlement of innocent civilians were conducted; and those
who, in the face of such cruel incidents, demanded the observance of their rights were brutally
put to death. In a place called Senbere, the leaders of the divisions, who could not control
their thirst for human blood, condemned innocent peasants as "kafir" (traitors) and massacred
more than fifty of them. Such killings of innocent civilians continued at a greater rate and
intensity.
As a result of the successive plunders, the agents of "Jebha" acquired huge capital which
they invested in construction and transportation industries in the Sudan. With their new
fortunes, the unmarried acquired wives, and those who had wives took additional ones. In
short, they used the wealth which they brutally milked from the people for establishing
themselves, for decadent indulgence and alcoholism in the Sudan and the Arab world.
Upon the intensification of these corrupt measures, the true picture of the leadership of
"Jebha" became more and more revealed. The bosses and their agents in the field constituted
an oppressive class in the Eritrean society; those fighters under their leadership became
simple mercenaries; and the Eritrean people, aware only of Haileselassie's oppression.
unexpectedly fell into the oppression of "Jebha".
In view of this, the highlanders who, more than any other group, suffered from this
oppression, resolved not only to renounce "Jebha", but to even resist and combat its forces.
The oppressive government of Haileselaseie saw an opportunity in the situation to escalate its
propaganda regarding the religious motive of the movement. Furthermore, it supplied arms to
the defenseless people and lined them up to combat the forces of "Jebha".
Using this situation as a pretext, the leaders of "Jebha" intensified the same policy of killing
and plunder instead of seeking the correct revolutionary solution; and by that, they only
aggravated the already prevalent feelings of alienation and dissension.
The feud and confusion did not revolve around the national interest of the country; they were
essentially religious. This being the case, it was the fighters in the Fifth Division, the
minority of which were Christians, who, more than any others, felt the grave nature of the
problem.
They became seriously concerned about the corruption that prevailed; not only did they
denounce it while in the field, but finally went to the headquarters in Kessela in order to air
their grievances. The officials of "Jebha" in Kessela taking advantage of the political
tensions in the Sudan, ordered the fighters to their zone of operation.
The complainants resisted the order of the "Jebha" officials and continued to stay in the
Sudan, where they were detained by government authorities of the country. All these
incidents combined frustrated them to such an extent that some finally handed themselves to
Haileselassie's consul in Kessela.
The agents of ",Jebha', using all kinds of false accusations, issued orders to the effect that the
remaining Christian fighters in the field should be liquidated. Accordingly, more than one
hundred innocent highland revolutionaries were hunted down and killed in the vales of the
country.
The oppression of the people which ensued from this corrupt leadership was reflected in the
armed resistance so clearly that religion-based dissensions became more and more grave.
Following the submission of highlanders to the consulate in Kessela and the subsequent
killing of valiant revolutionaries, very few Christian fighters remained in the field. The
enemy echoed its propaganda with exaggerated reports on the situation. The whole
phenomenon became disheartening to the people of the highlands, who then began to lose
faith in and cast a auspicious eye on 'Jebha'.
It may seem that all these events would take a whole generation to occur. Surprisingly,
however, they all happened within 0ne year, that is, 1966 - 1967.
In the subsequent period the killing, plundering and the perpetration of acts of atrocity
continued. The capitalists of 'Jebha' found it time-consuming to stay in Kessela making
accounts of the revenues they obtained from the sale of cattle.
They thus moved to the interior of the Sudan from where they started to direct their
businesses. The role of their soldiers was limited to that of looting the people's
cattle, driving them to Kessela and returning to the country for more plunder. They had no
qualms about their corrupt and exploitative engagements. The people lost faith in them even
more and more. Eventually, there developed a marked popular opposition to "Jebha".
Falling Back on Former Mistakes: Committed revolutionaries in the field never ceased
seeking the means to solve the problem. They realized that it was the enemy which time after
time stirred up the religious based differences.
They took it as their revolutionary duty to combat the foundations upon which "Jebha' was
based. It was concluded that the most effective approach was to combat the dictatorship of the
five agents of "Jebha', and enlighten and bring under one banner all the fighters who were
used to serve reactionary goals.
Sensing the determination to arrive at this solution, the bosses of "Jebha" and their agents
realized that their interests were at stake, and made an all-out counter effort for a period of
nine months. Consequently, the attempt to form a united front out of the five divisions was
not completely successful.
Whereas the Third, Fourth and Fifth Divisions agreed to unify their supply and training units,
the First and Second Divisions maintained their separate existence.
Thus, from 1968 onwards, the three divisions continued successful political and military
operations under one banner; it is to be recalled, however, that some running dogs of the
bosses tried to sabotage them through the other two separate divisions. Furthermore, there
were a number of false revolutionaries who infiltrated the three unified divisions.
The "Unity of the Three" rekindled the hope of the disheartened people of the country; the
highlanders and particularly the Christians started joining the armed struggle in substantial
numbers.
It was not only the capitalists of "Jebha" who were terrorized by the accelerated development
of this united force. Haileselassie's government, more alarmed than over, intensified its
military activities and espionage to combat this invincible force. However, the United Front,
through chains of historic victories has marked ineffaceable scare of defeat on the enemy.
The unity of the divisions certainly marked the beginning of the process of correction. But,
since it was not built on the basis ok revolutionary political principles, the disguised
opportunists managed to sabotage it.
Taking advantage of the fear of espionage, those disguised opportunists declared that no more
fighters would be admitted to the Front. This was framed to serve the regressive, religiously
motivated policy of keeping the number of Christians in the field at a controllable level. This
policy however, apparently of no big significance, injected a venom into the administration of
the United Front.
Those opportunists in the two separate divisions were waiting precisely for a confused
situation which they could exploit. Realizing the problems in the administration of the United
Front and hoping to exploit these problems, those opportunists declared their willingness to
join it. All those who, from the outset, aspired the unity of all the forces, welcomed them
believing they were sincere.
Thus, the fighters met in a place called Adobha where they agreed to unite all the divisions
under the common leadership of "Kiada El Ama". It was then decided that a National
Congress would be hold within a year, that is, sometime before September 1970.
The Second Phase of Oppression
It is said that "the offspring of a cat follows its mother's nature". These religious fanatics who
did not previously find the chance to carry out a religious war now found opportune
conditions with the leadership of the "Jebha" in their hands and they started to roll up their
sleeves and sharpen their knives to murder the "Christian" fighters whom they always viewed
from a religious standpoint. To accomplish their scheme, their first Step was to eliminate
those within their ranks who were opposed to them.
Thus they placed six members of the "Kiada El Ama" in prison and subjected them to harsh
treatment. Further, right in the heart of Kessela, they murdered the two revolutionary
fighters, comrades Kidane Kiflu and Welday Gidey, who for many years had energetically
worked to redirect the course of the struggle.
They were under the impression that if they killed these valiant and insightful leaders, the rest
could hardly accomplish anything. The dead bodies were placed in sacks and put on a taxi to
be transported to a trash dump called Hafera.
On the way however, as if to plead their case to the world-public, the corpses of the two
martyrs fell out in the middle of the street. After the death of those martyrs an order was
passed, similar to that of 1967, to kill al the "Christians" who were in the field. Consequently,
more than two hundred revolutionaries were slain throughout the field. In desperation, over
two hundred others surrendered to the Haileselassie government.
Besides giving orders to kill Christian peasants, the leaders of "Kiada El Ama" also tried to
further their criminal schemes by distributing arms under the cover name of 'Militia' to people
who did not understand the concept, and then started to stir up long forgotten feuds that
existed between some Christian and Moslem communities.
Moreover, they committed and are still committing savage crimes in the highlands by
throwing bombs, opening machine gun fire in public gatherings, looting and raping women.
In general, almost all the Christian fighters in the ranks of the "Jebha" were either murdered
or forced to surrender to the Haileselassie government.
What alternatives exist ?
Conditions being such, should one opt to face butchery in the hands of "Jebha' simply because
one was born Christian or should one surrender to the enemy, the Haileselassie government ?
Which option is better? Dying at the hands of religious fanatics or giving one's hand to the
enemy?
Both are abominable; both are poisonous pills to swallow; both mean death. Moreover to
make neither choice is tantamount to sitting on the edge of a sharp blade. But rather than
choose either of the two alternatives, it is better to nit on the edge of a sharp blade.
Now then we are the fighters who chose to alt on the edge of a sharp blade. We are the
fighters who made this choice rather than die in the hands of the religious fanatics of "Jebha"
or flee to Ethiopia. It in said that he who does not participate in battle belittles its hardships.
Those who did not face what we have faced, those who have never confronted the physical
and moral hardships which we have experienced may spread rumours about us and even
blame us. It is understandable.
We wish to make it clear that we separated from the fascist administration of "Jebha" and not
from fellow freedom-fighters. It is a big shame that there should exist religious, ethnic and
other divisions within the Eritrean liberation struggle.
As freedom fighters, our role should be to eradicate this and other ills of Eritrean society; and
in no way should we create a situation wherein such ills could be accentuated. What if one
stood for the national cause, but the "Jebha" lenders misdirected the struggle? What if one
was oppressed by these same lenders while one was fighting for national liberation? To
liberation fighters, the answer is simple.
The nature of our separation might give the impression that we gathered on the basis of
religion. But what alternative did we have? In fact, what saddens us is not the fact that we
have gathered together and separated, but the harsh causes that forced us to do so, for we
uphold the primacy of our country and our people over religion.
We are freedom fighters and not preachers of the gospel. What led us to take the stand we
have taken is revolutionary conviction and not spiritual preaching. We consider what we have
done to be induced by revolutionary courage, honesty and love of our country.
We are Freedom Fighters and not Prophets of Christianity
It is an incontestable tact that besides a few who do not espouse any religion, the Eritrean
population is about equally divided between Christianity and Islam. Instead of promoting our
national cause, the leaders of "Jebha" declare that the Eritrean population is 80% Muslim and
the remaining 20% Christian. We also very well-know that they rally in the name of Islam
rather than in the name of the Eritrean people.
Our conviction is that the Eritrean people were and are still oppressed in the same manner as
with all other oppressed peoples of the world, and our objective is the liberation of our people
and of all other oppressed peoples of the world. How many Christians or Muslims exist in
Eritrea is of no importance or concern to us.
Let this be the worry of those whose interest is to spread the Bible or Koran. In Eritrea, when
Eritrean Muslims are oppressed, it is the oppression of the Eritrean people:
and when Eritrean Christians are oppressed, it is also the oppression of the Eritrean people.
We do not recognize that oppression discriminates on the basis of religion.
Should there be any struggle in Eritrea whose aim is to liberate only those who are Muslims,
we will oppose it. We are also opposed to any effort made by the "Jebha" to oppress or
exploit Christians.
We are unequivocally opposed to all forms of oppression. We will not close our eyes and
remain silent when we see Christians being oppressed for fear that we might be labelled as the
defenders-of Christians. We will actively oppose it. We oppose it not because we are
advocates of any religion but because it is oppression.
We are freedom fighters who will not forget our revolutionary responsibility for fear of what
might be said about us.What we wish to clarify here to those peoples or countries which give
importance to religion is that the Eritrean population is equally divided between two religions.
We would also like to confirm to them that both Christians and Muslims have freedom of
worship within their respective churches or mosques. We suggest that those who wish to
understand the falsehood of the 80% Islam of "Jebha's" leaders to travel in Eritrea or to refer
to the history of the country.
A revolutionary struggle has to have a national basis. It can in no way be based on the
concept of "Jihad" or "Christian crusade". We remind those who might think otherwise to
correct themselves, and those who might engaged in active operation under such an erroneous
premise to top their actions.
Further, we wish to make it clear to those who give aid and support in the name of
Christianity or Islam that such aid or support in of no use to us; we do not want it. We want
to assure them that they will be only wasting their resources in vain.
To those Eritreans who want to serve their personal interest using religion as an instrument,
we wish to not only remind them that their opportunism is shameful but that they will also be
remembered as criminals in the history of our people and in the eyes of the world.
To our revolutionary people and all other revolutionary peoples of the world, we reiterate that
we are fighting against oppression and for the unity of our people, without any recourse to
religion. We further urge them to condemn in solidarity with us those opportunists who
exploit religion to advance their selfish interests.
We are Eritreans not Arabs
Using "Arabism" as a trump card, the leaders of "Jebha" have claimed that with the exception
of the alleged less than 20% "Habeshas", 80% of the Eritrean population are Arab
descendants; that our country is an Arab country, and that our language is Arabic. Just as they
used Islam as an instrument for their personal ends, they have also used and are still using
"Arabism" for the same opportunistic purpose.
Geographically, Eritrea is a nation located in north-east Africa, physically close to the Arab
world. It is evident that, because of this geographical closeness, and because of the fact that
the Eritrean National Liberation Struggle is an integral part of the world-wide anti-imperialist
struggle, it is not only a strategic necessity but also a revolutionary imperative that it be part
of the over-all Middle East anti-imperialist front.
Thus, when we line up in struggle together with our Arab comrades, it is only because of our
revolutionary conviction and the dictates of our strategic relationship, and not because we are
Arabs or Moslems.
No one can deny the fact that historically, the Eritrean people, be they Christians or Moslems,
have some ethnic ties with the Arabs. We should recognize however, that the Eritrean people
are first and foremost Eritreans and not Arabs. We do not develop revolutionary comradeship
with people simply because they have religious or colour ties with us. We are engaged in
struggle because there is oppression in Eritrea and the world; and we will continue to struggle
as long as such oppression exists.
If there is any struggle which is based on race or colour, we are opposed to it. If "Arabism" or
the Arab struggle is based on colour, race, or religion, let it be clear that we are Eritreans who
do not distinguish among colours, races and religion.
Language is another instrument used by the overlords of "Jebha". They have
consistently spread the lie that the language of the Eritrean people is Arabic. They only
mention in passing that there exist other languages such as Tigrigna, Tigre, etc.
These misrepresentations might have misled many people who do not know about the
Eritrean languages. A concise explanation of those languages has been given in this
exposition.
Arabic became one of the official languages in Eritrea only through the "Federal
Decision" of 1952 in which the Eritrean people did not participate. Although they could not
cover up this fact, the overlords of "Jebha" have triad and are still trying to destroy all the
Eritrean languages and declare Arabic as the only language in Eritrea. It may not be known to
people who are outside the struggle.
But it is a fact that within "Jebha", Tigrigna and other Eritrean languages are totally
suppressed. The fanatics of "Jebha" have an intense hatred of Tigrigna and some fools have
gone as far as forgetting and rejecting their mother tongue in an attempt to pose as Arabs.
We would like to explain here, especially to the peoples and countries of the Arab world,
that we entertain no hostility to Arabic and the Arabs. Not only do we acknowledge our
strong historical ties with the Arabs, but we also recognize, and call for the strategic
imperative of having closer relations with them.
However, when we state this we do not in any way mean to imply that we are prepared to
renounce our own languages in favor of Arabic in exchange for the help we need from the
Arab peoples and governments, or in order to please their leaders. Nor do we want to deceive
them by misrepresenting the Eritrean struggle as an Arab cause on the assumption that they do
not know it.
It is true that there are many opportunists who constantly strive to cover up the truth
concerning the Eritrean situation. These misrepresentations by the bosses of "Jebha' have
misled many Arab leaders and governments on various occasions by claiming that Arabic is
the language of Eritrea and that Eritreans are Arabs. They have even presented Eritrea as a
part of the Arab world in their maps.
Had we been Arabs or had our language been Arabic, we would not have been ashamed to say
so. However, we are Eritreans who are neither able nor willing to betray our Eritrean identity
or renounce our language. This is the truth and we do not hesitate to state it.
In our era, there are many international languages. When we venture into the field of
international affairs, it becomes necessary for us to know many international or widely spoken
languages.
However, it is only through developing our languages and using them to educate and inform
our people that we can acquaint our country and its people with the outside world. Otherwise,
when we try to impose an alien language on our people on the pretext that this is a more
widely spoken language or that it is a better one, we are not only reduced into the role of
usurpers of language but we are also forced to regress a thousand steps backwards instead of
advancing a step forward.
Thus, it becomes absolutely necessary for us to refrain from this regressive and dangerous
trend.
Italian colonial rule attempted to destroy our languages and replace them with its own.
The English also tried to spread their language. And in our own era of Ethiopian colonial
oppression, Haileselassie's regime has sought to kill our languages by burning our books and
forcibly imposing Amharic on our people. The valiant Eritrean people have always been
opposed and continue to actively resist such colonial expansionist policies.
Many Eritreans have gone to various parts of the world, especially to Arab countries for
educational purposes or for economic, political and social reasons. But to insist that our
people learn, study and speak an alien language borrowed from any of these countries
undermines our national identity and negates the spirit of our liberation struggle. Therefore,
we reject it totally.
We would like to repeatedly remind those governments or peoples who support our
struggle to avail us of their help because we are engaged in a just struggle for national
liberation. If they offer assistance for any ulterior motives however, we do not need such
support and will firmly reject it.
To those governments and peoples who do not yet know the Eritrean people, languages,
culture and history but who wish to help us, we extend them an open invitation to come and
visit our country so they can learn firsthand.
Otherwise, we urge those governments which have been misled by the reports of
opportunistic liars, to refrain from violating our national identity and dignity as Eritreans. If
there be any governments which continue to violate our national identity in order to promote
their selfish interests, let them know that we are prepared to defend our national rights,
whatever the price.
We would like to make it clear to the Eritrean people that it is their
responsibility to refute the various self-serving claims of being Moslems, Arabs, white or
black, that are made of their behalf by the vicious opportunists and rogues. Furthermore, we
would like to remind and warn false pleaders to stop deceiving the governments supporting
our cause because we are convinced that whatever aid comes in exchange for our national
rights is more injurious than beneficial to our struggle.
Our stand is Neither Ethnic nor Sectarian
Whether it be amongst our people or within our armed struggle, the opportunistic bosses of
'Jebha" have in the pursuit of their selfish interests, found it expedient to promote ethnic and
sectarian antagonism and managed to create and sustain numerous divisive factions among
the Eritrean people and fighters.
Their continuing frantic efforts threaten to spread the plague of division into the surrounding
communities and beyond. When "Jebha's" bosses divide the Eritrean people in this manner
and scramble for the control of the resultant factions, it is always for their personal interest
rather than that of the respective communities. The only people who benefit from this are the
opportunists.
Our conscience does not allow us to tolerate such a state of affairs which subjugates the
masses for the benefit of a privileged few. The objective of our struggle is not to foster
communal strife but to promote harmony and to win national liberation.
We therefore resolutely oppose the opportunistic and divisive elements that work against our
national unity and thus, undermine the struggle for national liberation.
Since we are witnessing within our struggle the development of personal power contests
through claims and counter claims of the allegiance of one group or another, we
unequivocally state that we are opposed to ethnic parochialism. We wish to remind these
tribalists who have tried and are still trying to maneuver us, that their attempts are futile and
that they are only exposing themselves.
We are freedom fighters who are dedicated to the unity of all progressive combatants without
regard to their ethnic or regional backgrounds.
Our Objectives
First we will share and discuss with our Eritrean comrades the program of action we have
designed to reach our final objective. Nonetheless, till we present our full program in our
second exposition, we present here a short summary of our goals:
To create a society where no economic exploitation or political oppression of man by man
exists;
To build a prosperous nation with educational, agricultural and industrial developments;
To establish a National United Front with no distinction as to religion, ethnic affiliation or
sex;
To establish close solidarity with all progressive peoples in the world, especially those in
Africa, Asia and Latin America;
To combat world imperialism led by the United States;
To smash Israel Zionism:
To wage armed struggle to gain national liberation from Ethiopian oppression as an
immediate goal.
Victory to the Eritrean people !
Victory to the progressive peoples of the world !
Long live the Eritrean Liberation Fighters !
Death to Ethiopian oppression !
Down with imperialist, Zionists and all Reactionaries !
LIBERATION
Published monthly by
Eritreans for Liberation
In North America
Volume II No3
March 1973

Source: Nordic African Library
Uppsala, Sweden
 

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